liberation

The Sidelining of Mana’s left-wing

The Mana Party’s selection of a right-wing candidate for the crucial Tamaki Makaurau electorate is a blow for the left of the party. Mana will be pitting ‘waka jumper’ Kereama Pene against Maori Party co-leader Pita Sharples. Pene is a self-declared fan of New Zealand Prime Minister John Key. The Ratana Church minister is also a former supporter of the now defunct Christian fundamentalist Destiny New Zealand party, and has also given his support at various times to Labour, Mana Motuhake and to the Maori Party. Guest blogger John Moore argues that the selection of Kereama Pene represents the marginalisation of the left within the Mana Party. For although the party appears radical on paper, in reality a number of Mana’s leaders aim to cut deals and form alliances with parties that would have little interest in Mana’s ‘socialist’ policies. Therefore, the selection of Karema Pene sends a signal that Mana is both ideologically flexible and that the party’s socialists are being kept on a tight leach. All of this amounts to the attempt by a section of Mana’s leadership to present the party as respectable and non-threatening. So, is the game up for Mana’s left? [Read more below]

 

The Mana Party leadership widens – roles for Bradford, Sykes, Minto and Jackson

The Mana Party’s weekend AGM showed the fledging new movement to be evolving in important ways. It still has some real ideological problems – or perhaps strengths, depending on your point of view – because it’s not clear if it wants to be a leftwing or a Maori-oriented party, and it’s going to try and be both. But the party is also becoming a bit more dynamic as moves beyond being a one-man band. For example it is expanding its leadership base with the election of very strong joint vice presidents, John Minto and Annette Sykes, and the addition of potential candidates Sue Bradford and Willie Jackson. The involvement of Jackson, in particular, would be significant – if he chooses to run in the Auckland Maori seat of Tamaki Makaurau, the three-way race between him, Pita Sharples and Shane Jones would be one of the most intriguing of the general election. As well as this, Mana is now set to go head-to-head with the Maori Party in a battle to the death in all the Maori electorates. I spoke about this today on TV3’s Firstline programme (read here; watch here). The blog post elaborates on some of the points I made. [Read more below]

 

The Mana Party and its identity problems

Is the Mana Party a new radical working class political force in New Zealand? Or is it a party still stuck within the parameters of identity and parliamentary politics – that is, is Mana merely a Maori Party Mark II with a left-wing sheen? Certainly, some on the left in New Zealand are arguing the former, and are making uncritical and embellished statements about the Mana Party and its leader Hone Harawira. Unfortunately, for these leftwing supporters of Mana, Hone Harawira’s public utterances have presented the electorate with a less than clear perspective of what his new party exactly stands for and where it’s going now that the Te Tai Tokerau by-election has been won. Rather than consistently presenting himself as the socialist working class hero that the left wishes him to be, Harawira has presented a contradictory image of himself – being on the one hand an activist championing the causes of Maori and the general working poor, and on the other hand being a responsible and mainstream politician. So, is it the case that the Te Tai Tokerau MP is offering a radical face to his leftist supporters, and at the same time offering a more moderate face to Te Tai Tokerau, the media and political establishment? Harawira’s more centrist and conciliatory statements do not bode well for his leftwing supports who claim the Mana Party is first and foremost an activist party and that it will refuse to bed down with mainstream parties. Guest blogger John Moore argues here that the eclectic statements coming from Harawira and other leading members of the Mana Party indicate that this new movement has deep-seated identity problems. [Read more below]

 

Election year – reinvigorated by the minor parties?

Suddenly we’re seeing a rather boring-looking election year spring into life. Until last week, we’ve had a relatively safe and slow moving government about to sleep walk to victory over a lame-duck Labour Party. But now the party system has been somewhat reinvigorated, and the contest might be a lot more interesting because there’s going to be some real policy disagreement, and some relatively dynamic debate being forced by these parties to the left and right of the big two giants (National and Labour). I was interviewed this morning on TVNZ Breakfast about this topic and about what the changes in the political landscape might mean for the referendum on MMP. The video of the interview is here, and it was also reported in a story entitled ‘Race row could escalate ahead of election’. This blog post elaborates on some of the points I made about the changes in the political landscape. [Read more below]

Hone Harawira – rebel with a confused cause

Hone Harawira’s departure from the Maori Party was almost always inevitable. The contradictions that plague that party – resulting primarily from the fact its base is amongst left-leaning low-income Maori and yet its leadership is situated on the political right, has now led to a spilt. The party has attempted to be a movement for all ‘its people’ – that is, a pan-Maori party claiming to represent the interests of low-income supporters as well as elite Maori (sometimes referred to as the Brown Table). The party has also represented a uniting of both pro and anti-establishment currents from the tino rangatiratanga movement. The MP Tariana Turia represents the most conservative wing of the party, with her exposal of a pro-capitalist ideology, attacks on the welfare state and her claims that the National Party has always given more to Maori due to its pro-market philosophy. Harawira had clearly represented the left-wing of the party, what with his history as a militant activist, his links with left-wing figures such as Matt McCarten, and with his occasional statements of support for unions and poor pakeha. However, the contradictions contained within the Maori Party are also present within the ideological makeup of Harawira himself, who espouses and represents both the ideas of class politics and identity politics. In this guest blog, John Moore argues Harawira should be respected for standing up against the Maori Party leadership, but that his eclectic beliefs will act as a barrier to him building a lasting new political movement that reaches beyond a narrow ethnically–defined constituency. [Read more below]

Understanding the latest Maori Party schism

This is a fight to the political death. Hone Harawira has been battling for control of the Maori Party, but now his caucus colleagues are fighting back. Today saw their declaration of war against Harawira vis the seeking of legal advice about how to expel him and through Te Ururoa Flavell’s formal complaint within the party organisation. This manuover is not so much about Harawira’s outspoken Sunday Star Times column – which is really just a pretext for the ambush on the rebel MP – but is more about a fight over the political direction of a pan-Maori party that has a very contradictory voter support base. This blog post attempts to explain what is happening in the Maori Party, and why. [Read more below]

Key to Victory – The future of minor parties

Under MMP we supposedly have a multi-party system – with a plethora of minor parties giving colour and life to political debate. But the reality is that this image is more of a mirage. Our minor parties are the weakest they’ve been for decades, and it’s not clear that any of the them have an assured future in Parliament. These are the issues examined by Jennifer Curtin and Raymond Miller in their excellent chapter entitled ‘New Zealand’s party system: a multi-party mirage?’ in the new post-election book Key to Victory: The New Zealand General Election of 2008 (edited by Stephen Levine and Nigel S. Roberts). This blog post highlights some of the most interesting points made by Curtin and Miller, including the suggestion of a more limited future for the smaller parties. [Read more below]

Identity politics vs class politics - 8: Neoliberalism and identity politics

Many commentators and leftists have struggled to reconcile the parallel development and dominance of neoliberal economic policies with the development and dominance of social liberalism and identity politics in New Zealand. Since the mid-1980s, governments of all hues have, on the one hand been economically rightwing, and on the other, relatively ‘progressive’ on social issues. For example, during the new-right reform period of the 1980s, feminists and gay campaigners were welcomed into the Establishment. And the current National regime has now embraced Maori nationalists.  Yet these have not been distinct and unrelated developments. In contrast to the commonly held view that sees the coexistence of neoliberal economic, and socially liberal policies as a contradiction, this blog post attempts to highlight how policies such as biculturalism and neoliberal orthodoxies actually supplement each other. More broadly, the new liberal social agenda promoted initially by the Fourth Labour Government and state bureaucracies went hand in hand with neoliberal polices. [Read more below]

Identity politics vs class politics - 2: Playing the ‘race card’ or the ‘class card’?

Phil Goff has been accused by many on both the left and right of ‘playing the race card’ with his recent speech attacking the Maori and National parties. For example, on the Pundit blogsite, Tim Watkin says Goff has veered ‘in an unwelcome new direction, playing the race card’ and that the speech ‘has the air of dog whistle racism’. Idiot/Savant at No Right Turn has called Goff’s speech ‘morally indefensible’, ‘a crime’, ‘cheap racism’, and a ‘cynical attempt to whip up racism’. But such kneejerk reactions show that New Zealand liberals have largely misread the nature of Goff’s speech. Rather than playing the ‘race card’, Goff has, if anything, actually been playing the ‘class card’. [Read more below]

Who runs New Zealand in 2009?

The 6th annual Listener ‘power list’ is out this week – seeking to shine a light on who makes up the modern New Zealand Establishment. This blog post offers an extensive critical summary of, and commentary on, the Listener’s list. Highlights include:

• Politicians do well on the power list. Although there are only 12 MPs in the whole list, 4 out of the top 5 are politicians. New entries include Simon Power, Judith Collins, Tony Ryall and Nick Smith.
• The Listener sure to do love John Key – although he’s too managerial and not rightwing enough
• The A-list ‘Top 10’ has been expanded by the peculiar inclusion of Phil Goff in the #11 position!
• One significant change in the A-list is Rodney Hide’s elevation from #7 to #4,
• Notably, Rightwing Treasury boss John Whitehead jumps into the A-list at #9
• Air New Zealand’s Rob Fyfe’s sudden inclusion at #6 of the A-list is a bit trivial
• The Listener heralds the inclusion of the country’s senior receiver, Michael Stiassny at #7, as ‘the most telling detail about this year’s Power List’
• Tariana Turia, is the only woman in the Top 10 power list at #8
• There are seven women on the power list this year; there are seven Maori
• The Environment category is distinguished by the arrival of five completely new environmental power listers – including Gareth Morgan. Nick Smith surges into the #1 spot from nowhere
• Four of ‘Business & Economy’ places go to either new entries or re-entries on the power list
• All five of last year’s Maoridom power listers have been delisted from this category in 2009; Pita Sharples is #2, transferring from #6 on the 2008 A-list, and coming in for criticism from the Listener
• In the Media category, John Armstrong of the New Zealand Herald is #3. And David Farrar has finally made the power list.

[Read more below]

[NZ First party history] 21: The Maori faction

The existence and potential future of the Maori faction within New Zealand First was obviously one of the more interesting developments in the party during the 1990s. Because NZ First lacked the alignments or institutional ties to powerful social, ethnic or economic forces outside of Parliament, it was relatively easy for the Maori faction to assert some control within the party and build up an effective powerbase. [Read more below]

Who runs New Zealand in 2008?

The question of who runs New Zealand is infrequently examined in the media (or even that much in our universities), but it obviously deserves the attention of anyone interested in understanding politics or wanting any kind of social change. Fortunately, for the last five years the Listener has been publishing its annual Power List in an attempt to do just this. Although it’s always more journalistic and celebratory than analytical and critical, the exercise does nonetheless always shine a light on the people involved in running New Zealand. And it indicates some significant trends. This year there has been some major changes to the list, partly representing the fact that the outgoing Labour Government’s favoured businesspeople, ‘thinkers’ and lobbyists are now out in the cold as a change of government brings about different influences, but also because the Listener probably wants to dazzle us with new faces that are supposedly wielding great undiscovered power. This blog post offers a critical summary of, and commentary on, the Listener’s list. [Read more below]

[NZ First party history] 9: Tau Henare and the Maori faction

The most notable outcome of the 1993 general election for NZ First was the election of Tau Henare in the seat of Northern Maori. Henare had initially sought to stand for the Alliance in the seat – as he had become involved in politics through Alliance constituency party Mana Motuhake - but failed to be considered for the nomination over Matt Rata. Henare thus stood instead for NZ First. Being the great grandson of a former Reform party MP for the electorate Taurekareka (Tau) Henare (and also a nephew of Sir James Henare), Tau Henare hence had highly respected Maori surname and thus a very strong chance of winning the seat, no matter which party he represented. [Read more below]

[political party social bases] 12: Ethnicity

The social cleavage of ethnicity has not been strongly politicised in New Zealand, apart from a significant tendency in the past for Maori to vote for the Labour Party and now for the Maori Party. And although the ethnic cleavage has been heavily overshadowed by the economic left-right dimension, in recent years – especially since the introduction of MMP – a number of political analysts point to the growing in significance that it has in party competition. [Read more below]

Why the Maori and National parties fit together

Most on the left struggle to see how the Maori and National parties could ever coalesce or even how the Maori Party could help National into power. ‘Surely the parties are mortal enemies?’ they say. This fails to understand the political nature of both parties. These two nationalist parties have much more in common than most realise, and this means that their current repositioning could yet yield a closer working relationship or even a coalition agreement – especially if a repeal of the Foreshore and Seabed Act is involved. [Read more below]

Maori Liberation vs the Treaty Process

Race relations and Maori politics have been one of the major political issues in New Zealand for some years now. Those on the left that are interested in true liberation need to formulate an alternative view on race relations - a view that rejects both Labour's liberal Treaty politics as well as National's continuing, contradictory and hypocritical “One law for all”. We need to argue against Maori nationalism and identity politics, and instead argue for a solution that unites the working class of all ethnicities and fights for true equality. This blog post aims to get across the alternative ideas on race relations and the Treaty that has previously been argued in revolution magazine and The Spark. [Read more below]

Maori identity - increasingly more complicated

Fewer New Zealanders of Maori descent see themselves simply as 'Maori', with a large proportion aware of their other ethnic identities. New census data on Maori has just been released - see the Statistics New Zealand report. The stats are interesting for a number of reasons, but in particular it is interesting that for the first time in 2006 the census differentiated between those that claim Maori descent and those that actually identify as Maori - and there is quite a gap between the two categories. Those claiming Maori descent number 644,000, but those identifying as 'Maori' number only 565,000. Furthermore, one in six Maori (102,000) aren't able to name which tribe they are descended from, suggesting that there is a significant break of ties between (urban) Maori and the traditional structures of Maoridom.

Also, of the 565,000 identifying as Maori, only about a half claim that Maori is their sole ethnicity, with the bulk of others claiming to also be pakeha (42%), Pacific (7%), Asian (1.5%) or 'New Zealander' (2.3%). Clearly, the concept of 'Being Maori' is becoming more complicated, and only a minority of New Zealanders of Maori descent see themselves simply as 'Maori'. The blending of 'races' is proceeding at full pace in New Zealand, and there is clearly a strong consciousness of this amongst Maori, with a huge proportion of them seeing beyond a 'black and white' identity.

Other important stats (highlighted by the Maori Party and the NZ Herald) include:

• The Maori population has increased by 30% in the past 15 years
• Maori are younger, are earning less, and have fewer formal qualifications than non-Maori
• The gap in the secondary and tertiary educational achievement for Maori versus non-Maori continues to grow

The Treaty and Neotribal Capitalism

Elizabeth Rata of the University of Auckland has written a very good paper on The Treaty and Neotribal Capitalism. You can download the paper below. Rata examines the political-economic context of the orthodox intepretation of the Treaty of Waitangi and says that this arose from postwar economic changes and thr rise of identity politics. She offers a very different interpretation of the Treaty. She says the Treaty now plays a 'crucial role in legitimising the material and political aspirations of the neotribal elite'.

Download treaty_and_neotribal_capitalism.doc

Public policy - analysis and personal background

Following on from the article on Elizabeth Rata in the weekend, the Herald has run a counter to this by one of Rata's colleagues, Alison Jones, who points out that Rata is in fact pakeha and because Rata avoids talking about her background in relation to her views on ethnicity and public policy this means the reader can't properly evaluate her arguments. See the opinion piece below.

I too often like to know who is making an argument and what their background is. But I think Jones' argument is yet again an attempt to say 'You aren't from the group that you are analysing, and therefore you aren't fully entitled to speak about such things'. The fact that Jones states that 'outsider interpretations rarely provide genuinely useful insight' backs this up. And while she acknowledges that Rata is entitled to her point of view, you get the impression that Jones simply wants to close down debate. More than all this, I think Jones is simply politically opposed to Rata's viewpoint and is looking for an easy way to negate it. It's hard to see what Jones thinks someone critically-minded like Rata should do if she's interested in seriously analysing Maori inequality, other than ignore her conclusions.

Ethnicity and public policy

Elizabeth Rata is an outspoken academic critic of the rise of neo-tribalism and its capitalist characteristics. She has a new book out called Public Policy and Ethnicity, the Politics of Ethnic Boundary Making, which makes the argument that public policy that is informed by racial lines rather than social inequality is undemocratic and dangerous, and that we need a new public policy informed by egalitarianism (which none of the parliamentary parties are offering).

A feature on Rata in the NZ Herald, tells of how in the 1980s she promoted the first kura kaupapa while a secondary school teacher, and she originally supported Maori retribalism and treaty policies because it was seen as a means to much greater social justice, yet she now sees such policies resulting in the formation of powerful and wealthy elites and enduring poverty. Although the Herald article reiterates Rata’s image as ‘the female Don Brash’, her arguments are solidly from the left, and much of what she has to say is very similar to what revolution magazine was publishing in the late 1990s.

Evil?

It's quite extradinary that the level of debate in New Zealand politics has dropped to the point that politicians such as Pita Sharples call arguments they don't agree with 'evil' - in regard to Don Brash's view that there are no full-blooded Maori left in NZ and that a distinct ethnic group of Maori still exists. For what it's worth, I think Brash's points are probably correct and hardly that controversial. I'll provide some arguments and links to back up such an idea soon.

It's also interesting to remember that the Maori Party pronounced themselves above personal criticisism, but now label their opponents as 'evil'!

Update: The Sunday Star-Times has published scientific research that showing that on average Maori are at least 43% European. Clearly most Maori have a large amount of pakeha ancestry.

No to all Kings and Queens

Much of the left in NZ loses their critical faculties when the issue of the Maori Queen (and now the Maori King) comes up. Chris Trotter was quick to line up with Paul Holmes in admiration for the indigenous royalty in A queen casts her spell. And then Matt McCarten wrote his Herald column this week on Maori royalty: Now's the time to get rid of the English monarchy and get our own in which he correctly says it's time to ditch the imperial royal line, but then strangely wants us to be subject to yet another (local) one.

Tragic deaths of baby twins used to foment anti-welfare campaign

A few days ago the World Socialist Website published the following article on domestic violence and Maori, as brought up recently by deaths of the Kahui twins. I haven't followed this particular case, but the article makes a good argument about the issues. It says that the debate that has occurred around the deaths has avoided dealing with the deeper social causes of such domestic violence - the pervasive and intensifying immiseration' of recent years has exerted 'a deep corrosiveness on daily life' for many. It points out how the Treaty and 'ethnic empowerment' politics of the last two decades has played into this, and now the entire Maori political establishment lines up with the same essentially reactionary position on issues of violence and 'culture'.

Nationalise the Foreshore and Seabed

Is there really anything progressive about the call for Maori ownership of the foreshore? In this blog post I argue in favour of nationalising the foreshore, including the foreshore land of rich pakeha, to make it public land, available to all.